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Once again, all eyes are fixed on Guantanamo Bay. 9/11 Plotters Are Arraigned

We are now a litigation-obsessed society. That’s the prism through which we assess a commission process that, historically, has never been legally exacting. In the wars of prior eras, Americans were not exercised over the consignment of war criminals to comparatively barebones military trials. There was no fretting over the fact that these were unilateral executive-branch affairs, conducted outside the scrutiny of civilian judges. As a nation, we thought the point was to defeat the enemy, not to make sure he got enough due process to prevent Eurocrats and law professors from sniffling all over our reputation in the international community.

Today, to borrow the apt phrase of Harvard’s Jack Goldsmith, we have attempted to “judicialize” warfare, as if there were no distinction between an al-Qaeda mass-murderer and a common tax cheat. Consequently, our notion of a fair trial for even alien war criminals is now colored by the colossal disclosure obligations designed to protect Americans in run-of-the-mill cases.

Thus the dilemma which results directly from today’s legal culture: Do we come down on the side of protecting Americans (heretofore thought the first responsibility of government) or the side of enhanced due process for war criminals (heretofore never thought to be very high on our list of imperatives)?

By contrast, alien enemy combatants detained by the military outside the United States are not entitled to American constitutional rights. Yes, we owe them due process, but, despite what the legal commentariat spouts, “due process” is not shorthand for “the rights accorded to defendants in the civilian criminal justice system.” It means just what is says: the “process” that is “due” under the circumstances. We have never owed hostile captives in war crimes tribunals the same quantum of protection that must be extended to our own citizens prosecuted in our own civilian courts by officials of our own government. When hostile aliens threaten the nation, we are permitted to draw sensible distinctions: to conduct proceedings that are fair but that pay deference to our national self-defense, which restrains us from edifying the enemy while the war rages.

Unlike in the civilian criminal-justice system, we do not have to permit enemy combatants to represent themselves in military commissions. And if we decide to give them that privilege, we can qualify it. We don’t have to let them extort us into sharing national-defense information with al-Qaeda. We can tell KSM and his fellow barbarians: “Look, we are willing to share sensitive information with a qualified lawyer who is duty-bound to protect your interests. We can’t make you take that lawyer, but that lawyer is your only way of accessing the sensitive information. If you don’t want the lawyer, fine, but then you don’t get the access — your choice.”

We can do it in a military commission. And Congress could direct it in a hybrid system — a national-security court for handling international terrorism cases in the future — which I believe our lawmakers should create.

In a civilian trial, we can’t do it. We’d have to share the nation’s secrets with Khalid Sheikh Mohammed … and Ayman Zawahiri, Osama bin Laden, and any other enemy leaders we may capture in the years ahead.

That’s something Sen. McCain and Sen. Obama might bear in mind as they decry Gitmo and promise to shut it down.

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